Samstag 30. Dezember 2000

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Donnerstagsdemobericht

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Ergänzungsbericht Dode

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Indymedia: WBAI

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Poll on wether or not Clinton should pardon Leonard Peltier

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Statements of Captives who survived the Bayrampasa massacre

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Türkei: Trotz Massaker - Kampf gegen Isolationshaft geht weiter

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Veranstaltung am 3.2.

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Gambia will 2001 islamisches Recht einführen

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Kolumbia: Der Krieg gegen die Armen

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Postfachgebühren verdreißigfacht

keil1.gif(893 Byte) gefundene Uhr

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Politik/Jahresbilanz/KPÖ

keil1.gif(893 Byte) Reaktion auf Michi Bonvalot

 



Diese Ausgabe hat
Claudia Volgger (volgger@yline.com) zusammengestellt.

 


 

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Donnerstagsdemobericht
Zurück
From: tatblatt@blackbox.net

Bericht aus der TATblatt-"Chronologie des Widerstands gegen die 
Rechts-Rechtsextrem-Koalition von FPÖ und ÖVP, gegen Rassismen, 
Antisemitismus, Sexismen, Sozialabbau, ..."

!!! UNKORRIGIERTE ERSTFASSUNG !!!
Allfällige Ergänzungen, Korrekturen etc. finden sich in der "Chronologie" 
auf unserer Website:
http://tatblatt.mediaweb.at/132chronologie-aktuell.htm


Knapp 400 DemonstrantInnen zogen diesmal kreuz und quer durch den ersten 
und zweiten Bezirk. Etwa 170 wanderten anschließend über die Reichsbrücke 
zur U-Bahn-Station Kaisermühlen (der Sinn, erst eine Viertelstunde über 
eine menschenleere Brücke zu gehen, um dann am anderen Ufer sofort die 
nächste U-Bahn-Station anzusteuern, anstatt durch die dortigen Siedlungen 
zu ziehen, mag wohl für immer verborgen bleiben). Knapp 100 sammelten sich 
wenig später noch am Stephansplatz, und etwa 70 zogen von dort noch zur 
Eßlinggasse, wo jedoch eine Absperrung mit Tretgittern und 
PolizeibeamtInnen in normaler Uniform ohne Helm und Schild daran hinderte, 
bis direkt vor den Eingang zur neuen FPÖ-Zentrale zu gelangen. Die letzten 
50 TeilnehmerInnen beendeten die Demonstration kurz vor 22.30 Uhr beim 
Schottentor. Die Polizei verhielt sich durchwegs friedlich. Es kam zu 
keinen Zwischenfällen.
(Alle TeilnehmerInnenangaben: TATblatt-Zählung; Angaben von Polizei und 
Aktionskomitee liegen uns bislang nicht vor)

Route/Ablauf: Ballhausplatz/Heldenplatz (Losziehen kurz vor 20.00 
Uhr) Ring Kärntner 
Straße Stock-im-Eisen-Platz Stephansplatz Schulerstraße Strobelgasse 
Wollzeile Rotenturmstraße Franz-Josefs-Kai Salztorbrücke 
Friedrich-Wilhelm-Raiffeisen-Platz Hollandstraße Leopoldsgasse 
Tandelmarktgasse Taborstraße Heinestraße Praterstern (21.05 
Uhr) Lassallestraße Reichsbrücke Wagramer Straße U-Bahn-Station 
Kaisermühlen V.I.C. (21.40 Uhr) U1 bis Haltestelle 
Stephansplatz Stephansplatz (Weiterziehen um ca. 22.00 
Uhr) Jasomirgottstraße Bauernmarkt Brandstätte Wildpretmarkt 
Landskrongasse ein Hausdurchgang Hoher 
Markt Marc-Aurel-Straße Vorlaufstraße Salzgries Gölsdorfgasse 
Rudolfsplatz Gonzagagasse (22.13 bis 22.18 Uhr: Ecke Eßlinggasse nächst 
FPÖ-Zentrale: Polizeiabsperrung mit Tretgittern und SWB ohne Helm und 
Schild) Ring Schottentor (Ende: 22.27 Uhr)


!!! UNKORRIGIERTE ERSTFASSUNG !!!
Allfällige Ergänzungen, Korrekturen etc. finden sich in der "Chronologie" 
auf unserer Website:
http://tatblatt.mediaweb.at/132chronologie-aktuell.htm




Ergänzungsbericht Dode
Zurück
From: dlsmsg@eunet.at 

es waren max 250 teilnehmer am 28.12.00
zählung in wollzeile, wo die zählung sehr übersichtlich durchgeführt
werden konnte.
also warum falsche angeaben (400,etc)??? 

mfg
msg




Indymedia: WBAI
Zurück
From: mileburke99@yahoo.com
 

---------------------------------------------------------------

Story from the indymedia newswire

Summary:Some 1100 listeners, volunteers and staff of WBAI gathered Wednesday to
discuss the recent management coup at WBAI where the Pacifica Foundation national
board has fired (without any support from listeners or staff) the station manager,
general manager and the morning show producer. WBAI supporters called for mass
demonstrations and a possible boycott of future station fund drives. Article: NEW YORK (12/28/00) - More than 1100 supporters of community radio
station WBAI packed a union hall last night to strategize how to overturn the
management coup that has occurred at the Pacifica station.

Over the weekend, Pacifica Foundation Director Bessie Wash appointed a new station
manager and fired program director Bernard White as well as his morning co-host
Sharan Harper; they were warned not to return to the station premises. With help
from Utrice Leid, the appointed interim station manager, Wash changed all of the
locks on the building and created a list of WBAI staff and volunteers \"banned\"
from the station.

While Leid has repeatedly claimed that \"everything is fine\" at the station and
has characterized the affair (she won\'t call it a crisis or a coup) as an
internal matter, to the 1100 who attended Wednesday\'s meeting Leid\'s assessment
is far from accurate.

Speakers called for demonstrations at WBAI, a boycott from station pledge drives
and to maintain support for those like White and Harper who have been victims in
the coup.

\"It is about time that community we have supported for 40 years comes to the aid
of the station,\" said the Rev. Al \"Grandpa\" Lewis to thunderous applause.
Reflecting on the success listeners had in Berkeley when Pacifica tried to make
sweeping changes at KPFA, Lewis called for mass demonstrations against the
Pacifica Board and the removal of a national board that no longer backs
Pacifica\'s mission to be an outlet for progressive and marginalized voices.

Lewis rattled off the occupations of some of the board members: lawyer from a firm
that specializes in keeping companies \"union-free\" (essentially a strikebreaker
said Lewis), a board member of Citicorp., an entrepreneur who specializes in
selling radio stations, and the list goes on.

\"Is this what we are about?,\" asked the Lewis as the union hall filled with a
round of \"Nos\" and hisses.

Patty Heffley, member of the Committee for a Democratic Pacifica, said listeners\'
only ability to alter the state of affairs at Pacifica might be through the
judicial system where three lawsuits have already been filed challenging the
legitimacy and actions of the national board.

\"We are the owners of the Pacifica Foundation without us there is no Pacifica and
that has been forgotten for much too long,\" said Heffley who described the recent
events as a \"multi-million dollar corporate takeover of our radio network.\"

The national board, which oversees operations at five Pacifica stations, voted in
February 1999 to become a self-electing board. This marked the beginning of the
end, according to Heffley who, like others, proposed giving the Local Advisory
Board the true power over station operations.

\"It doesn\'t matter what we say -- they own the license,\" she said,
reemphasizing the need of WBAI and Pacifica listeners to win in court.

On Tuesday Dec. 26, the Local Advisory Board passed a resolution deploring Wash\'s
actions replacing Valerie Van Isler with Utrice Leid, and called for the
revocation of the firings of Bernard White and Sharan Harper as well as the
lifting on banned staff.

\"We see a disturbing pattern of undemocratic procedures,\" the resolution read.

Among the speakers who received the greatest applause were Bernard White and
Janice K. Bryant who have not been able to step foot on WBAI since Saturday.

Bryant, who produced \"Wake-Up Call,\" is one of three volunteers banned from WBAI
under orders of Wash. She noted that the recent events have already had a chilling
impact on producers who have begun to self-censor their shows in order not to
offend the new management.

\"Since when have we cared about management\'s opinion about a guest?\" asked
Bryant. \"People that work there are afraid of being fired.\"

\"Free speech took a big hit Friday night. we must (work to make sure) it is not
fatal,\" Bryant said.

White too noted that programming had already changed, although Leid had promised
no such changes would occur.

\"Remember our paramount goal is to keep free speech radio alive\" said White\'s
former co-host Sharan Harper in a prepared statement.

\"The Pacifica Network is the most valuable asset that the left in America has,\"
said Juan Gonzalez, co-host of \"Democracy Now!\" and a New York Daily News
columnist. But the national board, Gonzalez, seems set on snuffing our any radical
news coverage as well as much community-based reporting.

Lewis likened the management change to a government takeover noting how a producer
from the award-winning Pacifica news show \"Democracy Now!\" was not allowed
entrance to station studios on Christmas. The producer has planned to interview by
phone a group of jailed Turkish political dissidents who were risking their lives
to talk to a journalist. Since the producer\'s name was not on a list of approved
visitors, security guards (and later Leid) denied the producer access to the
station.



Poll on wether or not Clinton should pardon Leonard Peltier
Zurück
From: apache@sacco.indymedia.org


---------------------------------------------------------------

Story from the indymedia newswire

Checkout independent media coverage of politics, protest, and life
at: http://www.indymedia.org


This message was sent to you by: g


Comments: 

---------------------------------------------------------------

Article by: Gate 
Thursday 28 Dec 2000

Email: 

Summary:Vote.com has a poll on whether or not Clinton should pardon Leonard Peltier.

Article:
Vote.com has a poll on whether or not Clinton should pardon Leonard Peltier. 
Go to www.vote.com and vote for clemency for Leonard Peltier. 
They will email the president with the results. 
Right now the poll is 50% for clemency and 50% against. 
Obviously, FBI misinformation campaign is hard at work to skew the poll. 
Go vote and spread the word. Also sign the petition at www.freepeltier.org.



Statements of Captives who survived the Bayrampasa massacre
Zurück
From: dhkc@dhkc.freeserve.com


---------------------------------------------------------------

Story from the indymedia newswire

Checkout independent media coverage of politics, protest, and life
at: http://www.indymedia.org


This message was sent to you by: DHKC INFORMATION BUREAU


Comments: 

---------------------------------------------------------------

Article by: DHKC INFORMATION BUREAU 
Tuesday 26 Dec 2000

Email: dhkc@dhkc.freeserve.co.uk

Summary:THE TRUTH IS CONTINUING TO BE EXPOSED
THE STATEMENTS OF CAPTIVES WHO SURVIVED THE BAYRAMPASA MASSACRE

Article:
THE TRUTH IS CONTINUING TO BE EXPOSED
THE STATEMENTS OF CAPTIVES WHO SURVIVED THE BAYRAMPASA MASSACRE

Hello,
We witnessed savagery in 16 prisons on December 19, 2000. I want to reveal
the massacre, as one of those who witnessed and was subjected to this
savagery. We woke up to the sound of an explosion at around 5 am on December
19. One of our friends shouted \"Friends! The operation is taking place!\" We
all rushed to put our clothes on. When I looked outside from the window I
saw the special military units on the roofs. They were wearing the gas masks
and their long-range rifles were directed at the dormitory. Before we put
our clothes on, they opened fire at us and we took cover. We soaked all the
towels we could find. Then they started to dig into the ceiling from various
places. Meanwhile they were swearing at us. \"We came here to kill you,\" they
were saying. They continued to dig into the ceiling. From outside, from the
roofs they were continually throwing blast bombs. After opening several
holes in the ceiling, the bombardment with gas bombs began. We were choking
and trying to gasp for air. While covering our mouths and noses with the wet
towels to neutralise the effect of the gas, we were breaking the windows of
our dormitory to get some fresh air. The rain of gas bombs was continuing.
We moved from the centre of the dormitory towards the windows to get some
air. Some of our friends fainted because of the gas. Those who came to carry
out a massacre were continuously shouting through a megaphone, \"Surrender,
otherwise we will kill you all!\" Our reply to this was our marches, slogans
and tililis (a Kurdish women\'s tradition during weddings and funerals: a
kind of loud trilling noise). Until noon we were continuously having gas
bombs and nerve-gas bombs thrown at us. Approximately 700 to 1,000 bombs
were thrown at us. We, on the other hand, had nothing to retaliate with. Our
best response was our marches and slogans. The enemy was belittled with
every passing second. They were continuing to throwing bombs, swearing at us
and opening fire from the windows. They opened holes on the ceiling from 10
different places and they continuously carried out surprise attacks from
these holes by using bombs. These bombs were dropped on us and started to
burn us. While we were trying to put the fire out, we were also inhaling
gas. Meanwhile the special teams tried to land at the exercising area from
the roofs by using ropes but they could not succeed. They were continuously
throwing blast bombs and opening fire from the roofs. Since I am a Death
Fast fighter my friends were trying to protect me. At around noon they
started to throw nerve gas and fire bombs at us. Most of us choked and lost
consciousness. The flames started to cover the dormitory. Those who have not
fainted yet were continuing to shout slogans and to sing marches. The fire
spread all over the dormitory. We all moved towards the door, we had to get
out. The door could not be opened first. Everywhere was shrouded in smoke
and fire. Because of the effect of the gas some of us lost their
consciousness while attempting to reach the door. I fell too. Some of my
comrades fell over me. I could not breathe and because of the fire it was
hot. When I caught my breath I stood up with a great effort. I could walk
forward a step or two. Then one of my comrades pushed me out of the door.
The threshold was as hot as hell. Nothing could be seen because of the
smoke. The fire surrounded us. I barely remember to be pushed outside. With
the fresh air I gasped. While trying to walk down the stairs my legs were
trembling. Most of my comrades were in the same situation. We were in shock
because of the nerve gas and we could not realise certain things. When I was
downstairs some of my comrades were trying to put out the fire on them by
using water. Hair, hands and the backs of most of us were burnt. When one of
our comrades said, \"Some of us could not come out, they are still burning
upsta?rs\", many of our comrades headed towards the stairs. I saw Ebru Dincer
while sitting on the stairs and fully burnt. She could not speak and her
hands, face, hair and most parts of her body were burnt. Then our comrades
Hacer Arikan, Birsen Kars and Gulizar Kesici were taken out of the flames
with a great effort. There were still some of our comrades inside. Gulser
Tuzcu comrade was on fire at the threshold. Our comrades tried to pull her
out but could not succeed. Everyone was running from one place to another.
Finally two of our comrades re-entered the dormitory to search for the
others. When they returned empty-handed, their faces, hair and hands were
burnt too. When we went downstairs we noticed that Nilufer, Seyhan, Ozlem,
Sefinur and the First Team Death Fast fighter Gulseren Ozturk were not
amongst us. They were left in the blaze. While our comrades were burning
alive, the murderers were filming their creation with pleasure. They had the
water hoses but they were not skirting water into the burning dormitory.
Those who supposedly came for \"return to life\" made their real intention
very clearly. They came to kill or make us all surrender. After a while we
came out of the exercise area from the ground floor dormitory. We started to
dance the halay (traditional Anatolian folkloric dance) in the exercise. We
were replying to the enemy with \"Mitralyoz\". It meant, \"You could not make
us surrender, you were defeated\". After our halay finished, we entered the
ground floor of the dormitory C-2. Meanwhile the murderers were trying to
enter by cutting the iron door. Again they started to throw gas bombs and to
swear at us, shouting to us to surrender. We were trying to spill water on
our burnt comrades. When the effect of the gas bombs became too much to bear
we went back to the exercise area. This time they bombarded us with more
bombs in there. Specifically they were targeting us. This continued for a
while, then they used pressurised water. We were trying to protect ourselves
in small groups. We tried to protect our burnt friends by putting them in
the middle of the groups. But we could not succeed. A group of our friends
took them back to the ground floor. They were bombarded there too. Meanwhile
the murderers were entering one by one from the door that was cut off. It
was around 14.00 and our resistance had been continuing for seven hours.
While our injured comrades were trying to come out the dormitory, the
murderers opened fire at them with their long-range rifles. When our
comrades were in the exercise area, they managed to join us under the
pressurised water. We gathered in the middle of the exercise area and held
tight to each other. The murderers were still afraid of coming to the
exercise area. They came after a while. First they entered the dormitory and
directed their rifles at us from the windows. Another group was facing us
but could not come closer. They were pointing at us and in a cowardly
fashion saying \"Come towards us one by one, surrender yourselves\". We said
we would not surrender and if they wished to they should come and take us.
They could not come. We were continuously shouting at them. \"You burnt our
friends alive. You will pay for this. You will present an account to our
people.\" They started to approach slowly. They tried to snatch us one by
one. They dragged us on the floor to the corridor. From there they took us
to a big hall, beating us all the way. The resistance of our male comrades
was still continuing. Later on they took us to hospital one by one. We were
beaten there too since we refused an immoral body search. They asked me and
the other Death Fast fighter Suna Okmen whether we would accept medical
treatment or not. We said \"No, we refuse, we continue our Death Fast
action.\" Then they took us back to the same hall. After some time they put
14 of us in a transport vehicle for prisoners (ring) and in completely wet
clothes they made us wait for hours. We were all shivering. We were not
allowed to go to the toilet or drink water. They were telling us to soil our
pants. After waiting for hours they took us to Bakirkoy remand prison. They
were continuously filming while all this was happening. They wanted to put
us into the cells one by one when we arrived at the prison. We refused. Then
they had to put us in threes. We did not let them lock the doors either. The
state massacred many of our comrades under the pretext of \"intervention in
the Death Fast\" Its aim was obvious, to make us surrender. But our great
resistance has shown them once again that we will never accept surrender.
 From now on, maybe we will all die one by one but we will never agree to
surrender.
Once again they are the defeated, we and our people are the victors. We
continue the Death Fast. We will continue until victory.
Ayla Ozcan, First Death Fast Team Fighter.
Hello,
We realised that the operation began when we heard the sounds coming from
the upper corridor on December 19, on Tuesday at 5 am. At that time I was
the night shift person on duty. I had seen Birol on the corridor. I told him
that we should warn our comrades. While he was saying, it may not be the
case, let\'s wait for a while, we heard noises coming from the front door. I
guess he ran to his dormitory too. With our first warning all our comrades
got up and started the preparations. We gathered the group to form a
barricade on the lower floor. Meanwhile the friends from other organisations
who stay in the opposite dormitory started to form barricades too. We heard
the sounds of digging of the wall which was coming from the dormitory where
the PKK (Kurdistan Workers\' Party) people stay. We thought that they are
smashing the wall down. In the same way they began to strike blows to the
upper floor door. We saw that they located machine guns on the upper
corridors\' observation windows. The team on the roof was located, not
straight across from us but to the side, and they were the ones who threw
the most bombs. They opened fire with the machine guns too. So we took cover
underneath the windows. We operated the diaphone which helps us to
communicate with our male comrades. But we could not contact them, maybe
they did not turn it on. We tried to move the Death Fast fighters in our
dormitory to a safer place. We tried to protect ourselves against the gas
bombs by using wet towels. But with the first set of bombs we choked and
some of us vomited. We all started to break the windows. After a time we
became immune. Or this is how I felt. These bombs were releasing a yellowish
gas. We threw them back. Occasionally there were duds. After some time they
began to open holes on the ceiling. From the holes bombs were dropped one
after another. We tried to take cover by keeping away from underneath of
these holes. We tried to neutralise these bombs by using wet bedclothes,
pillows, etc. They started to detonate the bombs by using an iron cage which
was hung from the ceiling. They must be planning to prevent us from throwing
the bombs back where they come from. But at the same time they opened the
dormitory\'s observation windows and continued to open fire from the roofs. I
cannot remember how many more bombs they dropped, but we threw outside those
we could get to. At one stage they threw a different kind. It was an
elongated one and I think its smoke was blue. It was not possible to
ameliorate its effects. It chokes you and you feel you are paralysed. Then
it gives you a pain as if all your internal organs are shredded. This bomb
made us all faint. Then we recovered. Since they knew that we were
underneath the windows, if I am not wrong, they opened seven or eight holes
in there. At the same time they were verbally abusing and swearing at us.
They surrounded us from the roof, the roof on the side and the observation
windows behind us. \"Surrender yourselves, if we wish to we can shoot you
all,\" they said. They repeated this many times through the megaphones. We
replied to each of their \"surrender\" appeals with our slogans. When they
heard our slogans they threw more bombs from all over the place. This
continued for hours. We announced that if they attempted to enter we would
set ourselves on fire. Suna made the announcement. Their replies were
unserious. They said \"Come on, let us see how you\'ll set fire to yourself\".
The rain of bombs began again. They threw a shock bomb. This time I felt I
was losing my mind. I fell. When I turned my head, I saw one of our friends,
she was screaming and pulling her hair out. There was shouting inside the
dormitory. We all shouted, \"We will all die for our people\". They never
stopped bombarding us. They threw blast bombs, yellow coloured gas bombs and
fire bombs. The bunk beds at the rear caught fire. The flames were bursting
out the observation windows. The dormitory was full of smoke and most of us
lost consciousness. We tried to bring each other back to consciousness. We
started to evacuate the rear section. Nilufer, Seyhan and Ozlem were amongst
those who fainted. I helped Seyhan, she regained consciousness. We came
forward to the door and told the other friends that we would evacuate the
dormitory. Several friends came to the door. They were not able to open the
door. I joined them to help them force the door open. It could only be
opened slightly. It was very hot everywhere. Everything was hot and it burnt
you if you touched it. I helped push the ones in front up the steps. At that
point it was dark everywhere. I thought I was fainting. I fell to my knees.
A certain amount of time later I felt some fresh air. I came round and could
stand up. I could not see anything around me. There was a huge pall of smoke
around the place. I went back to the stairs. A group of my friends was down
the stairs. Later I started hearing voices. \"They are on fire, they are on
fire,\" they shouted. Birsen and Gulizar came down the stairs while on fire.
We took them to the sink and put some cold water on them. At this stage we
opened the door of the ventilation area. We took them outside. Outside the
friends were pouring water over Hacer who was lying on the ground. Her back
was almost burned away. The upper floor was absolutely charred and it was
impossible for us to go up the stairs. Most of our friends had burns on
various parts of their bodies, especially the heads. The reason for this was
that flames were being projected through the observation slits in the doors.
Most of our friends received burns while in the vicinity of the door. Those
who were affected by smoke inhalation fell to the ground and blocked the
door. Gulser fell at the front of the door and could not be removed. She had
completely fainted, blocking the door. She was right at the door\'s edge. I
did not see any of my other friends who had been burned. But from other
dormitories Sefinur was seen giving the victory sign. Again, Seyhan waved
from the window. Nilufer and Ozlem and Gulseren must have fainted. When we
went up to the ventilation area the enemy was surprised. In any case, they
looked to see what we would do. I was affected by the gas, it was hard for
me to stand up. I could not feel my arms or legs and I was just able to open
my eyes. With the help of my friends I stood against the wall in the
ventilation area. They were still watching us from the upper area and
calling on us to surrender. In reply we shouted the slogan, \"The
revolutionary martyrs are immortal,\" and we danced the halay. And again they
started throwing bombs at us. We took those of our friends who were injured
inside. The enemy was still shouting \"Surrender\" from the door. \"Look, your
male comrades have surrendered, if you want you can talk to them.\" Whatever
the situation was, Muharrem from the MLKP (Marxist-Leninist Communist Party)
came and said their dormitory was burnt down, this was why they had
evacuated the dormitory. He said, \"We didn\'t surrender,\" etc. And again they
said things like \"Surrender and we won\'t do anything,\" etc. Again we didn\'t
accept this. We discussed among ourselves whether we should hand over the
ones who had been wounded. Then we made the decision not to hand them over.
The enemy started cutting and chopping at the door, and they were throwing
bombs. Again we went out into the ventilation area. They were continuing to
throw bombs. Then they started using water cannons. They stopped the water
cannons and started throwing bombs. Then they resumed using the water
cannons. Two hours passed in this way. The enemy was still unable to come
in. They broke down the door but they were still keeping their distance from
us and could only approach by hurling bombs. We linked arms. They were still
continuing to shout, \"Surrender!\" We said, \"No!\" and continued shouting our
slogans. We said we would demand a reckoning for our people they had
slaughtered. At this point we were being filmed with a camera. Because of my
poor eyesight I could not see this properly. At once I turned my head to
look at the dormitory and it was completely blackened. Everything was burned
and there was still smoke coming out of it. The enemy soldiers were going
forward and back and shouting, \"Come one at a time.\" We did not accept this.
Then they said things like \"Check if they have bombs on them,\" because they
were still scared. We started to walk out in a group. They attacked us and
pulled us apart and took us away one by one. The soldier who was taking me
dragged me along the floor and spoke in a hoarse voice. I couldn\'t
understand him properly but he was saying something like \"Your resistance
has made those dogs (ie. the officers) order us to do this.\" At the end he
said, \"Get medical treatment and the Prophet Ali shall be with you,\" (the
soldier was an Alevi). And they took us all to the soldiers\' barracks.
Again, our area was surrounded. When our people were shouting at them that
they were murderers and savages, they said things like we didn\'t do it, you
did it yourselves etc. The ones who were very seriously injured were taken
one by one to Bayrampasa Hospital. We went to hospital by ambulance. They
said I had injuries to my ankles as well as gas poisoning. I was X-rayed.
They did not want me to stay in the hospital. So they sent me back straight
away. When I was asked my name etc. the officers answered all these
questions. They knew my first and second name, and they were the ones who
did not want me to stay in the hospital. Later on I returned to where my
friends were. There were photographs taken there, and after that someone in
civilian clothes asked where I had been taken from. He asked me as if he
knew me. \"You were arrested in the street.\" I said, \"No, who are you?\" He
did not reply. After registration, they put us - 19 of us - into the \"ring\"
(transport vehicle). In our ring there were 14 of us. We were made to wait
until far into the night. At this point we learned that our male comrades
were still resisting. Then they started to bring them as well. We shouted
out to the male comrades which of us had been martyred. From time to time we
started shouting our slogans. In the night they brought us to Bakirkoy. The
team who brought us there was swearing and going into details about how they
killed comrades. They were saying things like they had killed 20 to 30
people. We shouted slogans and then the enemy said, \"Tomorrow we will go and
collect your arms and legs.\" In Bakirkoy there was no introductory beating
by the enemy. Everyone was waiting for us in a panic. They registered us one
by one. One by one arguments occurred at first, and then we were put into
two- or three-person cells. The first day our doors were kept locked. After
a discussion, the doors were opened. At the moment our doors are kept open
between 8 am and 8 pm. The ventilation doors are opened twice a day. We go
out in a group. The first day we went outside we held a minute\'s silence and
shouted our slogans. Our visiting days have been declared to be on
Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. Lawyers are allowed to see us. At this stage
the enemy is not creating problems. Usually they accept what we want. But we
think that there are political reasons for this attitude. The first night we
came there was a health check-up. My eyes were completely closed. We treat
ourselves with eye-drops and applied dressings to ourselves. We announced
that our Death Fast resistance was continuing. This information has all been
written down very quickly and so there might be some mistakes. Soon I will
write it all down in more detail. Our resistance was heroic. Our comrades
all fought heroically. Our slogans, marches and tililis never stopped. We
engraved heroism into the historical records. Nothing can stop this power.
We will win.
Filiz Gencer
December 22, 2000

Dear Mr Behic Asci,
Hello,
On December 19, at five in the morning, the special team at Sagmalcilar
Prison, commandos, soldiers, Rapid Reaction police and robocops surrounded
us. While they were trying to dig holes in the walls, they saw us stand up
and they started firing on us. After the shooting they started to bombard
us. They threw all kinds of bombs at us. They threw things like smoke, sound
bombs, nerve gas and pepper gas. We constantly answered them with slogans
and insults. They continually shouted \"Surrender or we will kill all of
you.\" We said, \"Come and kill us all if you like, but we will never
surrender - you should be the ones who surrender to us - surrender to the
justice of the people.\" Their calls to surrender, insults, obscenities and
harassment were constantly met by us with slogans, marches and insults of
our own.\" At regular intervals they subjected us to heavy bombardment in an
attempt to render us ineffective.
When the fighting started we were in the sleeping area. They started
breaking holes in the ceiling. They constantly fired through the holes in
the ceiling, through observation holes, from the roof, and from the
observation holes in the ventilation area. They fired bombs at us. Once they
opened a hole in the ceiling, they opened it gradually wider and wider while
continuing to pelt us with bombs. They were particularly digging holes in
the intervals between bunk beds. The bombs were striking us on our heads,
backs and legs. We were putting wet towels on our faces and were huddling
together to protect ourselves from bombs. We particularly tried to protect
the Death Fast resistance fighters. Wherever we took them, it did not
matter, because the enemy was hurling bombs at everybody. In this way it
continued until 12 or 12:30 in the afternoon. They threw gas bombs and fired
guns. They threw incendiary devices into the areas where there was already a
lot of gas in order to cause an explosion. All of us were exhausted and most
of us had actually fainted. At the same time our comrades who regained
consciousness directed us to the door. Those who went out returned to bring
back our other comrades.
The last time we came out it was impossible to anything because of the
flames. Gulser was lying at the foot of the door completely burned. Gulseren
Yazgul Guder, Ozlem Ercan, Sefinur Tezgel, Seyhan Dogan, Nilufer Alcan and
Gulser Tuzcu had been burned alive. They tried to burn us all. When we came
downstairs to the canteen area they started heavily pelting us with bombs.
All of us went into the ventilation area and started dancing the halay. We
shouted out to them to come and shoot us all but they would never get us to
surrender. They were very afraid. Under their gas bomb bombardment, we
shouted slogans and danced the halay to the tune of \"Mitralyoz\".
Along with the bombs they also sprayed high-pressure water at us. The
massive bombardment of gas bombs filled the entire ventilation area. While
we were going out into the ventilation area, other political prisoners also
joined us from outside.
The robocops continually shouted \"Surrender!\" And every time we answered
them. We continually shouted, \"We will demand a reckoning for our martyrs.
You have burned us alive, you have taken away six of our lives, you can come
and riddle us with bullets as well but you will not get us to surrender.\"
\"All of us will join the Idils, Sabos and Sibels,\" we said. \"For 54 days we
have already been waiting for death, we have taken the risk of death into
account.\" \"Welcome, death.\" These were the slogans we shouted. This
continued until 3 o\'clock. At last they smashed the door down and entered
the dormitories. They had already surrounded us from the roof. Later we went
into the ventilation area. They approached to one metre from us but they did
not have the courage to come closer. They said, \"Surrender and come this way
one at a time.\" \"We will take your wounded to a hospital. We don\'t want
anyone else to get hurt.\" We were in the middle of the ventilation area, and
answered, saying \"You have taken six of our lives away. We are all ready to
die, you murderers and pack of dogs.\" They were continuously recording the
operation from the roof. When they entered the ventilation area they were
still recording. We said, \"Keep on recording, you are celebrating our sacred
holiday in this way, go and explain to your wives and children that you have
eaten human flesh and drunk blood.\" They surrounded us even more and then
wildly attacked and tortured us, dragging us along the corridor outside, and
took us to a large room where the soldiers were. They took us in twos and
threes to the Sagmalcilar hospital. I was with Aydan. In the hospital the
officers and soldiers tried to search us. We replied with our slogans. They
dragged us along the ground and tortured us and then threw us at the door of
the accident and emergency. I had burns on my hands and leg, and only five
minutes later they took us back to the large room again. From there they put
us in the ring and started to make us wait. Twelve of those who had been
severely injured were taken to hospital. Birsen, Hacer, Ebru, Gamze, Gulperi
and Songul had received burns to the arms as a result of the fire, Mine,
Alev, Ozgul, Hulya, Funda and Gulizar were also in hospital, a total of 12
persons. All had serious burns. We were able to drag them from the dormitory
to the lower floor while they were on fire. And we, myself, Munevver, Filiz,
Nursel, Ayla, Suna, Mesude, Fatma, Aydan, and the other political prisoners
were made to wait in the \"ring\" for five or six hours. From there we were
taken to Bakirkoy prison. Our Death Fast martyr comrade Gulser Yazgul Guder
had been on the 54th day of the Death Fast. They kept on shouting our
slogans, marches and telling the murderers that a reckoning would be
demanded for our people. Seyhan had kept on trying to throw back the bombs
that the enemy had thrown. She had run from place to place under a hail of
bullets. Sefinur had done the same. Finally Sefinur had stood up and given
the victory sign while she was on fire. The comrades in the opposite
dormitory explained that Seyhan had also given the victory sign while she
was on fire.
Ozlem was continuously trying to protect the Death Fast fighters, throwing
bombs back outside and putting wet blankets over them. Gulser was also well
to the front when it came to fighting. While she was taking us outside she
removed the cupboards which were blocking the doorway. At the final door she
collapsed. I did not see a lot of Nilufer. She kept running from place to
place. I was next to the Death Fast fighters. In one way I was trying to
guard them, in another way I was trying to throw the bombs back outside, and
I was also trying to bring the comrades back inside. All of our comrades and
heroic martyrs gave a good example of self-sacrifice. With the spirit of
sacrifice of our martyrs, we entered the doors of the cells. When they
brought us there we were thrown into the cells one by one. Then they took us
two at a time. A day later we got them to open the doors of the cells. At
present we are staying in three-person cells. We have been on the Death Fast
resistance since we came here. We said this is the cell-type treatment. Our
resistance is continuing with great resolve.
December 22, 2000
Hamide Ozturk

Hello,
My lawyer Behic Asci,
I woke up at five in the morning to the sound of my comrade shouting that
there is an operation and the soldiers have entered. We got up and dressed
immediately. When I looked out the window I saw the special teams wearing
helmets and carrying machine guns standing on the roofs. We only had the
chance to take a few containers of water from the canteen downstairs. The
dormitory observation slit was forced open, and they started digging holes
in the roof with drills. They were throwing bombs and shouting from the roof
and the observation slit, \"Surrender!\" We were only able to pull two
cupboards to close the dormitory door. The dormitory observation slit was
opened and the roof had a hole dug in it. They threw large numbers of gas
bombs through it. We tried to protect ourselves with wet towels. We
especially protected the Death Fast resisters Gulseren Yazgul Guder, Suna
Okmen and Ayla Ozcan, we took them to the area where the beds were and tried
to cover them with wet blankets. But the enemy was shooting and throwing
various types of bombs from the roof, from the observation slit and
targeting the ventilation area. When we came to the point where we couldn\'t
protect the Death Fast resisters, we took them next to the wall where we had
broken the windows. I, Nursel Demirdogucu, Seyhan Dogan, Mine Demirel,
Sefinur Tezgel and Ozlem Ercan were trying to throw back the gas bombs
through the windows we had already broken. When they saw this, sound bombs
and bullets. (illegible) four or five various types of bomb, and four or
five types of gas bomb. At particular points, nerve gas bombs were used. We
reached a point where we could not breathe Most of our comrades fainted.
They were trying to break our resistance by continuously throwing gas bombs.
We answered their calls to surrender by shouting, \"We will not surrender!\"
and \"Welcome, death!\" Many times I stood up and said, \"I am here but you can
only take my dead body. If you have courage for it, shoot us, kill us. We
have already taken the risk of dying.\" Many of my friends spoke in the same
way. In reply, the enemy was shouting, \"Life is good. Why not surrender?\"
and I and many other friends said things like, \"Rather than live with a
dishonourable mind and commit treason to my sense of honour and beliefs, I
would rather die honourably a thousand times over.\" In response to this,
they shouted that they would kill whores like us one by one, none of us
would get out alive etc, and they engaged in immoral acts. We said, \"the
murderers, the children of Manukyan (a notorious pimp in Turkey) and
servants of the USA can take our blood and our lives if they want to take
blood and lives, but they will not make us surrender. Our minds and bodies
are more powerful than any weapon you possess. You are afraid. You are
servants who carry out murders. Who is giving you your orders? Ecevit should
come, Mesut Yilmaz should come, (fascist MHP leader) Devlet Bahceli should
come, (Justice Minister) Hikmet Sami Turk should come, they won\'t come.\" We
began singing our marches, \"Walk along on your way, there is nothing other
than death,\" \"The day began and we all woke up,\" \"If you have courage, come
on,\" \"For us there is no death.\" We shouted all these marches despite being
out of breath. Our commanders Mecit and Ismet Kavaklioglu had shown us the
way to shout slogans. Ozgul Dede and Seyhan Dogan shouted, \"We have been
purified, comrades.\" And we all continually chanted the tilili. Under the
hail of bombs and bullets we continually made speeches, shouted slogans and
sang marches declaring that we will not give up our beliefs and we would not
surrender. Many times they threw nerve gas bombs at us and five or six times
we reached the point of fainting and were totally exhausted. The wet towels
we put in front of our mouths were completely covered in gas and the only
protection we had was no longer effective. We tried to recover the burning
beds which had been set on fire by their bombs, and we tried to cover these
with wet blankets and pillows. When it was 12 or 1230 in the afternoon, they
knew they could not break our resistance and could not take us out of the
dormitory. They understood they could not separate us from one another, so
they started throwing large amounts of nerve gas at us, followed by
incendiaries. The beds, the bedclothes and bunk beds were set on fire. When
I saw that we could no stay in the sleeping area of the dormitory because of
the nerve gas and fires, I had to remove the cupboards from the door, and
these cupboards were as hot as a fire. We shouted to the comrades, \"We are
moving out to the canteen. We could not see a thing, and immediately all of
us went out as we were on the point of fainting. The whole dormitory was set
on fire. The frames of the bunk beds and windows were starting to burn. I
was unable to see any other comrade. Only the comrades who were able to make
it to the door had fainted and piled on top of one another. Personally, I,
Birsen Kars, Gulizar Kesici dragged two comrades whose names I don\'t recall
out of the fire. Because they had almost fainted, we had to drag them down
the stairs and their heads were even striking the steps. Gulser Tuzcu was
between the door and the cupboard and she appeared to be dead, either from a
direct hit by a bomb or a bullet to the head. A number of times I tried to
save her. Because she was stuck between the door and the cupboard I lacked
the strength to pull her out. A few other comrades came but they too could
not get her out. In any case she was on fire. Because the dormitory was on
fire we could not see the friends Gulseren Yazgul Guder, Sefinur Tezgel,
Nilufer Alcan, Ozlem Ercan and Seyhan. Apart from them we did not know who
was still inside. We continuously shouted but we never heard any reply. When
we got from the dormitory to the canteen, again we tried to pour water on
our friends and put some Silverdin cream on them. However, the hail of
bullets, nerve gas and noise bombs continued. We broke the windows. But
because they made continuous use of nerve gas, we could not remain in the
canteen. We went up to the ventilation area and the hail of bombs and
bullets continued. We entered the hall of the prison guards. This time they
started bombarding that area as well. During this period, they were using
more nerve gas and various other types of gas. We were not able to stay in
any area that we entered. Then we went out into the ventilation area again.
High-pressure water from water cannons was being fired at us from two sides.
Those who did not use high-pressure water cannons for the fire in the
dormitory tried to render us ineffective with these water cannons and bombs.
I don\'t remember how long these attacks lasted in the ventilation area. But
we went out into the ventilation area we were dancing the halay and singing
the \"Mitralyoz\" song about Idil (Ayce Idil Erkmen, DHKP-C woman prisoner who
died in 1996 Death Fast). Continually we shouted, \"Welcome, death\", \"We will
not surrender,\" \"Where did you ever see us surrender?\" We tried to protect
the comrades who had been burned. Those of our friends who were just about
able to stand on their feet shouted, \"What are you waiting for? Beat us,
kill us. You can only take our dead bodies out of here.\" Our C-1 dormitory
was still on fire. The metal window guards were melting. The canteen of our
dormitory and the upper and lower part of dormitory C-2 were surrounded by
special teams armed with machine-guns. Approximately 100 special team
members carrying shields stood in the entrance to the ventilation area. We
were surrounded from the roof, all the observation slits, and guns were
pointed at us. From time to time they were firing and shouting, \"Put your
hands up and surrender one by one.\" I don\'t remember how long this lasted.
The last thing we did was link arms at the bottom of the ventilation area.
They attacked us and pulled us apart, dragged us away, beat and harassed us
and took us to a place the soldiers were using as a canteen. We continued
our slogans, shouting that \"the revolutionary prisoners won\'t surrender\" and
\"We will not go into the cells\". In the place the soldiers were using as a
canteen we were put up against a wall, and the soldiers beat us to get us to
face the wall. Again they tried to pull us apart. But they did not get us to
do that. We told them, \"You couldn\'t kill us in the dormitory, so do it
here. Go ahead. We will not accept anything you want us to do.\" They
forcibly searched two women and then took them to hospital. Those of our
friends who had some burns stayed in the hospital. They brought us back to
the same place. We constantly shouted our slogans in the ring vehicle while
they were taking us to and bringing us back from hospital. \"Long live our
Sagmalcilar resistance\", \"Long live our Death Fast resistance\", \"Heroes will
not die, the people will not be defeated\". Moreover we shouted \"Comrades
Gulseren, Nilufer, Seyhan, Ozlem, Gulser and Sefinur are immortal.\" We
continued our slogans. When we were being brought back from the hospital, we
were registered by the army in the vehicle. We were soaking from head to
toe. I think they kept us in the ring vehicle until they finished their
operation against the male comrades. They brought us to Bakirkoy women\'s and
children\'s prison. They were constantly filming us. We shouted at the
soldiers who were filming, \"Keep on filming the massacred you have
committed.\" Those who shouted this were attacked. The registration was
completed and then they wanted to search our shoes. Because I didn\'t let
them search, the soldiers dragged me to the ring, and took my shoes off, all
the time beating me. They handed the shoes over to the prison guards. They
put all of us one by one into the cells. I shouted, \"I am not going in. I
will die but I will not go into the cells. I want to be with my friends. If
you put us in the cells, I and all of my friends will not even take water or
sugar.\" So they took all our friends out and put them in a different section
where there were two-person cells. Our first night went on like that. In the
morning the prison director came.
We told him we would not remain like this and we wanted our doors left open,
and we also announced our other demands. The director said \"You will remain
two people to a cell, your doors will be kept locked, you will be allowed
out into the ventilation area four at a time, and you will go out to family
visits and to see lawyers one at a time.\" We replied, \"This is isolation
cell treatment. We are on a Death Fast. We have comrades who have been on a
Death Fast for 60 days. If this is to be the practice, we will not take
water, sugar and salt. They killed six of our women comrades by burning and
there is a massacre going on in all the prisons at the moment. We have given
lives not to go into the cells, and we will give more if need be.\" The
director went out and returned in the evening.
The director said that the doors of the cells would be left open, we could
all go out to the ventilation area immediately, we could see a lawyer and
visitors whenever it was needed. We said, \"Other demands are addressed to
the state and the justice minister.\" We stated that we were nine DHKP-C
captives on the Death Fast resistance. At the moment we are not allowed to
see TV. Our families were not allowed to bring radios in. We are announcing
to all public opinion that if the isolation cell practices don\'t end, if
those who are responsible for massacres do not render an account, if the
situation of all our comrades in the prisons is not clarified, there is no
power on earth that can stop us from continuing the Death Fast we are on
now. Moreover, I, Nursel Demirdogucu, as a 1996 Death Fast resister,
announce once again that if the demands that I have stated above are not
met, I will meet death with all my beliefs and honour, just as I did in the
1996 Death Fast. I will embrace death with a smile, just like my other
comrades who were martyred heroically did.
REVOLUTIONARY PRISONERS CANNOT BE MADE TO SURRENDER
DOWN WITH FASCISM, LONG LIVE OUR STRUGGLE
LONG LIVE OUR DEATH FAST AND HEROIC RESISTANCE IN ALL PRISONS
LET US SACRIFICE OUR LIVES FOR OUR PEOPLE AND HOMELAND
DOWN WITH SURRENDER, LONG LIVE HONOURABLE RESISTANCE
With love and respect
December 22, 2000
Nursel Demirdogucu

Hello, my lawyer
Mr. Behic Asci,
I will try to tell you about the massacre that the state carried out in
Bayrampasa Prison on December 19, 2000. Towards morning, at about 5 o\'clock,
while I was asleep, we woke up to the sound of noises on the roof. On one
side the observation slits were having holes broken in them and were being
smashed, and on the other side sound bombs were being detonated.
Twenty-seven people in the dormitories were jerked out of their sleep by
this noise.
They were greeted by smoke and sound bomb detonations. The enemy
prevented us from coming near the windows by shooting at us and we were
unable to breathe. Just to be able to get a little bit of air, we opened and
broke the windows. After a short time they started digging through the roof
of the dormitories. They were insulting us, swearing at us and harassing us
and at the same time hurling gas bombs down on us. The roof was perforated
with holes. The dormitory observation slits were smashed and removed. They
stationed sharpshooters in the observation slits of the dormitory opposite.
The holes they dug in the roof were used to rain bombs down on us. The
tear-gas bombs were stamped with the letters MKE. While some of these bombs
prevented us from breathing, some of them attacked the nervous system and
caused imbalances in coordination. On the other side they allowed a few
minutes\' break and then they continuously harassed us through the holes that
had been opened. They shouted, \"We are going to kill all of you.\" \"Don\'t
resist,\" \"Surrender one by one, we will kill all of you if you don\'t
surrender.\" We had nothing at all to protect ourselves against them. Not
even water to wet towels and protect ourselves from the gas. We were only
able to use the water we could extract from the radiator. While hours
passed, the attacks were becoming more powerful. Very openly we saw that any
intervention in the Death Fast that they talked about was a massive lie and
demagogy. They came to carry out a complete massacre. In the morning light,
the attacks became more efficient and concentrated. They tried to get into
the ventilation area by means of ropes they hung down from the roof, but
later they gave this idea up. Their use of gas and nerve gas bombs became
more frequent and five or six times they launched attacks. Because I was a
Death Fast resister, I was protected by my friends all the time. They were
trying to protect us from the gas bombs by putting wet clothing and towels
over us. A few of my friends were affected by the gas. They became
physically agitated, as I saw with my own eyes. From one area the enemy were
viewing us through binoculars and in another they were filming us with
cameras and were telling the soldiers on the roof where our exact position
was. There was no place in the roof that did not have holes in it. Wherever
we moved to, they would make a hole and throw gas bombs. We all moved
beneath the window.
They started throwing sound bombs and shooting through that particular area.
About every three minutes they threw stun grenades and gas bombs. From this
kind of attack we understood that they were going to massacre us at any
moment. As Death Fast resisters, I, and Gulseren Yazgul Ozturk and Ayla
Ozcan, announced that we would set fire to ourselves. This is what we did
voluntarily, nobody forced us to say this. At about 1130-1200 this was
followed by a massive hail of gas and fire bombs, and they suddenly began to
burn down the dormitory. It quickly spread all over the dormitory. Beds and
furniture began to catch fire. The people were unable to breathe because of
the gas bombs and the smoke. The inside was just like an oven. Our hair had
started to catch fire. Because we had barred the door we were unable to go
out. We forced the door open but the flames would not allow us to pass. It
was difficult. Those who were able to stand with difficulty dragged us
along. The enemy had water cannons, if they had wanted to they could have
put the fire out. All they did was watch. We came down to the canteen and
there were still many of our friends in the dormitory. We were unable to
save 12 of them, and six were suffocated by the smoke, burned and lost their
lives. The soldiers and gendarmes were watching all this and laughing. When
they were certain our people were dead in the dormitory, just for show, they
began to spray the area with water. While we were inside trying to recover
our wounded, they started throwing gas bombs at the area where we were. We
went out into the ventilation area with our wounded. From the observation
slits and the roof they pointed their guns at us, laughing all the while. We
started the halay and shouted all together, \"You have burned six of our
people, now spray us with gunfire.\" We announced that we would not surrender
and expressed our resolve. When I turned back to look at the dormitory,
black smoke was pouring out of it, and metal guards on the window were
crumpled outwards. Those of our friends in the opposite dormitory came out
as well into the ventilation area. Our wounded were collected in the prison
guards\' room in order to treat them. They were under continuous harassment
from the corridor door. The enemy started to cut down the door and throw gas
bombs inside. The situation was such that we had to go out into the
ventilation area again. We were drenched by the water from fire brigade
hoses they had been spraying at us for two hours. The skin of our burnt
friends was completely peeling off. The enemy sprayed high pressure water on
the burned areas even though they had no clothing to protect them. The enemy
still shouted, \"Surrender!\" and when we shouted, \"We will not surrender!\"
the enemy made attacks with gas and nerve gas bombs. All of us were in the
open, bombs were detonating under our feet and behind our backs, we had
nothing to protect ourselves with. We placed our burned friends in the
middle and tried to protect them from the high pressure water and gas bombs.
But it was not effective. Our comrades were beginning to lose consciousness.
I have no words with which to describe the savagery. One group of our
friends went back into the dormitory, dragging the injured with them. They
had gas bombs rained down on them all the time. We were in the corner of the
ventilation area. They started to harass us by firing bullets. They
gradually entered the dormitory. Those who had to come back out into the
ventilation area because of the gas bombs were having stones and gas bombs
hurled down on them by the gendarmerie as they stood in the doorway. Though
they knew that a bomb had detonated on a friend\'s arm, they still were
hurling down gas bombs at her. This friend\'s name was Songul Ince. At the
moment she is in Haseki Hospital being treated. At the time of the fire in
which our friend received head and facial burns, a stone was hurled at her
head as well. A soldier trying to enter the ventilation area said, \"Are you
surrendering?\" and we said, \"We are not surrendering.\" For this we were once
again subjected to bombardment and gunshots. The enemy had announced, \"Put
your hands on your heads and come to us one by one.\" We said, \"We will not
surrender, you will need to kill us one by one.\" All of us gathered in the
middle of the ventilation area and we took those who were wounded and placed
them between us and linked ourselves together arm to arm. The gendarmes had
entered the ventilation area and dormitories. They pointed their gun barrels
at us again and tried to bargain. We told them we would not bargain, we told
them they were murderers, we said they had burned our people alive and we
would not hand our wounded over to murderers. Once they said they would take
us one by one, and we replied, \"Shoot us.\" They surrounded us, attacked us
and tried to pull us apart. They took us to the other parts of the prison,
beat us, kicked us, slapped us, swore at us and then collected us together
in the soldiers
}' canteen.
They deliberately delayed treatment for the wounded. They continued their
attack by coming up with kinds of prohibitions. They continued their attacks
in the hospital. The fascist officers tried to shut us up by beating us when
we accused them to their face of carrying out a massacre. Before the eyes of
those in the hospital, they tortured most of our friends in the X-ray rooms.
At around two they took us to the ring and they made us wait until eight,
still wearing our wet clothes. And they also continued their tortures. And
after eight, we were brought to Bakirkoy prison for women and children, we
were put into the cells. At present all our rights have been taken away and
we have been put in the cells. The Death Fast action is continuing. And here
our friends who have been put in isolation cells have also started Death
Fasts. Mr Behic Asci, I have tried to describe this appalling massacre in
general terms. Despite all the demagogy of the state, all my explanations
should be clear enough for public opinion.
I wish you success in your work.
December 22, 2000

Suna Okmen
(Signature)

Mr Behic Asci,
At 5 in the morning on December 19 we were already surrounded and woken up
by noises. As soon as we got up, they realised that we had started moving
and began firing, shooting and throwing bombs inside. Later, they started
holes in the roof and the observation slits and started hurling bombs
through these holes. Various bombs such as gas bombs, smoke bombs, sound
bombs, pepper gas, nerve gas and fire bombs were used. By throwing these
bombs they were trying to restrict our movement and make us ineffective.
Every time they threw things it involved hundreds of bombs. Every assault
with bombs reduced us to a state of exhaustion. Without having the chance to
recover, they would hurl more bombs and fire a hail of bullets at us. This
was what went on until 12 o\'clock. At that time they set fire to the
dormitory. We were in a position where we could not move. Finally we headed
into the canteen area. We went upstairs to rescue our friends. We rescued
those we could rescue. And those we couldn\'t rescue or save had become our
martyrs by fire. We did not know who had been left behind, in any case. It
was impossible to see anything in the smoke. We replied constantly with our
slogans to their bombs, their bullets. When they shouted, \"Surrender,\" we
replied, \"It is you who must surrender to people\'s justice.\" When they
noticed that we had gone down to the lower floor, they rained bombs down on
us. Finally we made our way into the ventilation area, deciding that if we
were to die, it should be in the ventilation area in a group. In the
ventilation area we shouted out the names of our martyrs one by one. We sang
the \"Mitralyoz\" song and danced the halay. While we danced the halay, on one
side the enemy was throwing bombs and firing high-pressure water on the
other side. The enemy shouted, \"Surrender or we will kill all of you.\" We
replied, \"If we were scared of death we would not have lain down to die on a
Death Fast.\" We continued to shout one slogan after another. Then we moved
to a section where the prison guards used to stay and the enemy tried to
open the door, throwing bombs through a hole they had made in it. They tried
to reduce us to a state of exhaustion when we were in there. Despite
everything, we managed to make our way back into the ventilation area. On
the one hand we tried to protect our comrades, on the other we continued to
resist. While we were in the ventilation area, they opened all the doors and
entered the dormitories. They did not have the courage to approach us.
Continually we shouted, \"If you have the courage for it, come and get us.\"
They threw bombs from the dormitory, from the roof and from the observation
slits. In the ventilation area we resisted for four hours under a hail of
water from water cannons as well as bombs. Four hours later they surrounded
us and tried to pull us away from each other. We locked arms very tightly.
They could not separate us. They jumped on us and dragged us through the
corridors. We were trying to protect our wounded and in that situation we
were still shouting our slogans. We were even shouting our slogans as they
dragged us. \"Long live our Death Fast Resistance,\" \"Long live our
Sagmalcilar resistance,\" \"You couldn\'t make us surrender\". From there they
took us to the military area. There they tried to learn our names by looking
at photographs. Then afterwards those who were severely wounded were sent to
hospital, and we were taken to hospital in twos. When I came to the
hospital, I refused to accept any kind of medical treatment. They tried to
give me serum and medicine and I told them I was a member of the Second
Death Fast Team and I would not accept any kind of treatment, and I then
returned to where my friends were. When this kind of registration was
completed we were taken to the rings. Even here the repression and insults
continued. While waiting in the ring vehicle I began to feel ill again. I
was vomiting constantly and could not breathe. They took me to the
ambulance. A doctor looked at me in the ambulance. He said, \"Your situation
is serious,\" and advised that I be taken to hospital. I was taken to
hospital. When I went there I refused to accept treatment and was brought
straight back. We were made to wait in the ring vehicle until 10 o\' clock
with wet clothes. After that they brought us to Bakirkoy. We were brought to
the administration section. In that time they made us wait for hours, until
they had completed their bureaucratic formalities. Then they took us two at
a time to one-person cells. Then they threw us into these cells. Afterwards
we told them we were on the Death Fast and they put us into two-person
cells. A day later two of our representatives with the director three-person
cells. (illegible) were opened. We were put in rooms for three persons. At
the moment we are in three-person (illegible). We go out to the ventilation
area in a group. Our current situation: we have not fully recovered yet. The
effects of the gas are still continuing. I am constantly vomiting and this
is mixed with blood. I find it hard to breathe. I have tremors in my body.
Most of our friends have asthma. I also have asthma. Our illnesses continue.
This is our general situation. We are all generally on the Death Fast at
present. We will continue until we get all our rights back. We have never
surrendered, and we will not do so.

Fatma Guzel
With my love, a Second Death Fast Team resister





Türkei: Trotz Massaker - Kampf gegen Isolationshaft geht weiter
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From: abcibk@hushmail.com



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Tuerkei: Trotz Massaker - Kampf gegen Isolationshaft geht weiter

Folgende Presseerklaerung, die unseren Informationsstand vom 
27.12.2000 13.00 Uhr wiedergibt, wurde heute auf einer Kundgebung mit 
ca. 50 TeilnhemerInnen in Nuernberg als Flugblatt verteilt: 

Trotz Massaker - Kampf gegen Isolationshaft geht weiter

Seit dem 20. Oktober 2000 befanden sich etwa 2000 politische 
Gefangene in tuerkischen Gefaengnissen in einem unbefristeten 
Hungerstreik. 240 Gefangene beteiligten sich an einem sogenannten 
Todesfasten, als letztes Mittel, um die Verlegung in sogenannte F-Typ-
Isolationsgefaengnisse zu verhindern. Isolationshaft, bei 
Menschenrechtsorganisationen als "weisse Folter" bekannt, soll 
politische Gefangene in ihrer Identitaet brechen, sie psychisch und 
physisch vernichten. Die neuen F-Typ-Gefaengnisse sollen das ohnehin 
schon brutale Knastsystem ergaenzen, in dem UEbergriffe, Massaker und 
Folter alltaeglich sind Boten bisher die Gemeinschaftszellen, in 
denen etwa 50-100 Menschen auf engstem Raum unter miserablen 
Bedingungen zusammengepfercht waren, doch einen gewissen Schutz vor 
den Zugriffen der Folterer, so sind die Gefangenen in Isolationshaft 
auch der blutigen Folter, wehrlos ausgeliefert.
Forderungen der Hungerstreikenden :
- Schliessung der F-Typ Isolationsgefaengnisse
- Der Erlass vom Januar, der u.A. das Recht auf Verteidigung faktisch 
abschafft, 
muss aufgehoben werden
- Schliessung der Staatssicherheitsgerichte
- Die verletzten und kranken Gefangenen muessen behandelt werden
- Die Folterer muessen bestraft werden.

Das Massaker
Am 19 Dezember haben nun tuerkische Polizeieinheiten 18 Gefaengnisse, 
in denen der Hungerstreik stattfand, mit Waffengewalt und unter 
Einsatz von Panzern und Bulldozern gestuermt. Vorwand war, das Leben 
der Hungerstreikenden retten zu wollen, das Ergebnis war ein brutales 
Massaker: 29 Tote sind namentlich bekannt, es gab unzaehlige 
Verletzungen. Eine Gefangene ist inzwischen im Krankenhaus gestorben 
Die Verletzten wurden in Krankenhaeuser gebracht und dort von 
Polizisten an die Betten gekettet. Die UEberlebenden wurden in die F-
Typ-Knaeste verlegt. Dies war wohl der wahre Zweck dieser Operation. 
Entgegenlautende Versprechen der tuerkischen Regierung waren nur 
Taeuschung. Die "Konsensgruppe", bestehend aus Mitgliedern der 
Menschenrechtskommission des tuerkischen Parlaments und von 
Berufsverbaenden wie Anwalts und AErztekammer, die bisher mit den 
Gefangenen verhandelt haben, erklaerten nach dem Massaker, sowohl 
sie, als auch die Gefangenen waeren weiterhin an einer 
Verhandlungslösung interessiert gewesen, worin freilich nicht die 
Verlegung in F-Typ-Gefaengnisse enthalten sein sollte.

Aus einem Bericht der tuerkischen Aerztekammer:
- Es wurden viele Gefangene auf dem Weg in die F-Typ Knaeste 
gefoltert und misshandelt. Viele, die aus den Krankenhaeusern in die 
F-Typ-Gefaengnisse verlegt wurden waren 2-3Tage lang verschwunden 
und wurden offensichtlich gefoltert
- 9 Menschen, die sich bisher im Todesfasten befanden, sind seit dem 
Massaker spurlos verschwunden.
- Es existieren 2 unterschiedliche Listen, eine auf Computer, eine 
handschriftlich, auf denen unterschiedliche Angaben stehen, wer 
bisher aus den Krankenhaeusern in die Knaeste verlegt wurde 
- Manche Namen sind in den Namenslisten der im Gefaengnis 
Einsitzenden verzeichnet, sogar unter Angabe der Zellennummer, aber 
in Wirklichkeit dort nicht zu finden. Wo sie wirklich sind ist unklar
- Anwaelten, die mit Gefangenen Kontakt aufnehmen wollten, wurde 
mitgeteilt, die Gefangenen seien nicht in der Lage, mit ihnen zu 
reden und mit dieser Begruendung die Kontaktaufnahme verweigert. Es 
unklar, ob die Betreffenden ueberhaupt dort oder am Leben 
sind. 
- Es funktioniert keine Heizung, sogar das Wachpersonal hat 
gesundheitliche Probleme. In der Tuerkei ist Winter und es hat 
Minusgrade.
- Die Gefangenen haben bis jetzt keine Kleidung erhalten, zu 
Anwaltsterminen erschienen sie halbnackt oder in Laken gehuellt. In 
den Zellen gibt es nur eine Decke. Fuer verletzte Gefangene besteht 
wegen der Kaelte Lebensgefahr
- Waehrend der UEberfuehrungen von Krankenhaeusern oder 
Gefaengnissen in Gefaengnisse wurden die Gefangenen nackt ausgezogen 
und misshandelt. Verletzungen davon sind Nasenbeinbrueche, 
Fingerbrueche Platzwunden. Weiterhin Hautausschlaege herruehrend von 
Gas, da bei der Erstuermung der Knaeste oft nicht nur Traenengas, 
sondern auch andere, bisher unbekannte Giftgassorten eingesetzt 
wurden.
- Auch in den Isolationszellen gehen die UEbergriffe weiter .Vorwand 
sind Zellendurchsuchungen.

Hungerstreik geht weiter
Der Widerstand der Gefangenen wurde auch mit diesem Massaker nicht 
gebrochen, im Gegenteil: alle politischen Gefangenen, die sich mit 
dem Kampf bisher identifiziert haben sind jetzt im Todesfasten.
Zudem sind jetzt auch 10000 PKK-Gefangene in einen Hungerstreik 
getreten.Damit ist zugleich die Behauptung widerlegt, die Gefangenen 
seien von ihren Organisationen zum Hungerstreik gezwungen worden.

Politische Situation in der Tuerkei, Hintergruende
Der tuerkische Staat versucht inzwischen, jede Kritik an dem Einsatz 
und allem, was mit dem Thema Isolationshaft zu tun hat, zu 
unterbinden. Es wurde eine Pressezensur erlassen, also ein Verbot, 
kritisch zu berichten, die meisten Zeitungen halten sich daran.
16 politischen- und Menschenrechtsorganisationen wie aber auch 
Berufsverbaenden und Gewerkschaften wie z.B. AErzte- und 
Architektenkammer wurden offizielle Verlautbarungen zugestellt in 
denen ihre bisherigen Erklaerungen und Kritik an Isolationshaft und 
dem Massaker an den politischen Gefangenen als Unterstuetzung von 
Terroristen bezeichnet wurde. Es wurde ihnen bei Fortsetzung mit 
Repressalien bis hin zur Schliessung wegen Verstoss gegen das 
Antiterrorgesetz gedroht.
Mittlerweile wird aber auch in buergerlichen Kreisen in der Tuerkei 
die Kritik wegen der offensichtlichen Widersprueche in der 
staatlichen Propaganda lauter.
Die Rolle des Westens:
Bezueglich Isolationshaft von politischen Gefangenen uebt sich die 
Bundesregierung Deutschlands bisher in Zurueckhaltung. Kein Wunder 
stammt doch das Modell der F-Typ-Gefaengnisse aus Deutschland, 
Stammheim. Die Tuerkei veranstaltete also das Blutbad, um 
europaeische Standarts einzufuehren.
Gleichzeitig mit dem Massaker an den politischen Gefangenen begann 
eine Operation der tuerkischen Militaers gegen die PKK im Nordirak, 
unterstuetzt von US-Militaerberatern.
Zeitgleich mit dem Beginn des Massakers wurde der Tuerkei ein IWF-
Kredit in Höhe von 25 Milliarden Dollar gewaehrt. Ein Schelm, wer 
Böses dabei denkt...

Solidarisieren wir uns mit den Kaempfen gegen Isolationshaft
Widerstand gegen Isolationshaft ist ein Kampf fuer Menschenwuerde und 
gegen Folter
Kein Stammheim am Bosporus
Freiheit fuer alle politischen Gefangenen

Buendnis fuer internationale Solidaritaet Nuernberg


***************
Text verbreitet von Anarchist Black Cross Innsbruck:

LOM
Postlagernd
6024 Innsbruck
Austria

e-mail: abcibk@hushmail.com
www.freespeech.org/entfesselt




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Veranstaltung am 3.2.
Zurück
From: einjahrwiderstand@hotmail.com


An saemtliche Gruppen des Widerstandsmundes 
Wien, am 28.12.00


Betrifft: Veranstaltung am 3.2.2001



Hallo!

Es haben sich einige Menschen zusammengefunden, die das Abschiedskonzert der 
GRAUEN ZELLEN (dt. Politpoppunk) am 3.2.2001 in Wien machen. Mit dabei sind 
die Schweizer CWILL und hoert und staunt KURORT, einmalig zum Anlass!
Eigentlich sollte die Veranstaltung im Stadtlabor Kabelwerk stattfinden. 
Wegen terminlichen Umstaenden hat dies leider nicht geklappt; nun wird das 
Ganze in der Sargfabrik stattfinden.


Da auf dasselbe Wochenende ein Jahr Widerstand gegen schwarz-blau faellt, 
wollten wir Gruppen oder Einzelpersonen die Möglichkeit bieten Infotische, 
Diskussionen, Filmbereich, usw. zu organisieren. Die Raeumlichkeiten im 
Kabelwerk haetten sich perfekt dafür angeboten. Da nun das Konzert in der 
Sargfabrik stattfindet und dort die Raeume viel kleiner sind, moechten wir 
trotzdem nicht auf diese Idee verzichten!

Nach der Demo soll Platz geschaffen werden zu diskutieren, warm zu essen und 
zu trinken, Filme zu schauen und darueberhinaus drei sehr gute Bands zu 
sehen.

Es hat sich schon eine Gruppe gefunden, die von 19.00 bis 21.00 Uhr in der 
Konzerthalle Kurzfilme zeigen wird (Sitzmoeglichkeiten werden angeboten). 
Das Konzert wird erst ab etwa 22.15 Uhr beginnen.
Im Foyer gibt es Platz für einige Infotische. Wer einen machen moechte, soll 
sich bitte bei uns melden.
Außerdem moechten wir Essen anbieten. Wenn es da eine Person oder eine 
Gruppe gibt, die gerne Essen verkaufen moechte, soll sich ebenfalls bei uns 
melden.

Liebe Gruesse

group zen
groupzen@hotmail.com



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Gambia will 2001 islamisches Recht einführen
Zurück
From: dieter.ratz@chello.at


----- Original Message -----
From:  RLadwig761@aol.com 
To:  Ibka@majordomo.zfn.uni-bremen.de 
Sent: Friday, December 29, 2000 9:51 AM
Subject: [INFO] Gambia will 2001 islamisches 'Recht' einfuehren


Thema: Gambia will im kommenden Jahr islamische Rechtsprechung...
Datum: 29.12.00 08:37:47 (MEZ) Mitteleuropäische Zeit
Von: NewsBote
Blindkopie: RLadwig761

Gambia will im kommenden Jahr islamische Rechtsprechung einführen

Banjul/Nairobi (dpa) - Der westafrikanische Kleinstaat Gambia will im
kommenden Jahr die islamische Rechtsprechung Scharia einführen. Dies sagte
Präsident Yaya Jammeh laut Rundfunkberichten vom Freitag Moslemführern in
der
Hauptstadt Banjul zu. Religiöse Freiheiten würden trotz Scharia beachtet,
sagte der Staatschef, ohne weitere Einzelheiten zu nennen. Die Verfassung
Gambias sieht die Trennung von Religion und Staat vor.

In Gambia leben knapp 1,3 Millionen Menschen, die Mehrheit von ihnen sind
Moslems. Jammeh, der als Katholik aufgewachsen ist, konvertierte später zum
Islam. Zuletzt war in Afrika in einigen nigerianischen Bundesstaaten die
Scharia eingeführt worden. Dieser Schritt löste blutige Auseinandersetzungen
zwischen Christen und Moslems aus.

©dpa

290823 Dez 00
--




Kolumbia: Der Krieg gegen die Armen
Zurück
From: fewor@no-racism.net
 
Kolumbien: Der Krieg gegen die Armen Raul Zelik

In dem Land werden jährlich so viele Oppositionelle ermordet wie in
Chile in 17 Jahren Pinochet-Diktatur zusammengezählt!

Wenn das Stichwort Kolumbien fällt, sind die ersten Assoziationen immer
die gleichen: Man denkt an Kokain, Mafia, Terrorismus und Gewalt. In
Europa lebende KolumbianerInnen betonen dann gerne, dass ihre Heimat
auch ganz andere Seiten besitze. Sie verweisen auf die kulturelle
Vielfalt des Landes, das afrikanische, indigene, europäische und
arabische Einflüsse aufgenommen hat, auf die Literatur von
Schriftstellern wie Gabriel García Márquez' oder die reichen
Musiktraditionen. Für deutsche Rucksacktouristen schließlich ist
Kolumbien einfach 'der Geheimtip', ein Land, wo man von tropischen
Regenwäldern und Wüsten bishin zu Gletscherlandschaften alles haben
kann.

Wirtschaftliche und strategische Interessen

Seltener wird darüber gesprochen, daß die Gewalt in Kolumbien, von der
man diffus immer wieder in Medien hört, recht rationale Erklärungen
besitzt. Der Bürgerkrieg und die schätzungsweise 30.000 Morde jährlich
haben viel mit den sozialen Verhältnissen zu tun. Kolumbien ist ein für
die Industriestaaten geopolitisch wichtiges Land. Mit 1,2 Millionen
Quadratkilometer dreieinhalb Mal so groß wie die BRD, besitzt es schon
aufgrund seiner Ausdehnung und der Lage am Isthmus von Panamá immense
militärstrategische Bedeutung. Es ist so etwas wie die natürliche
Drehscheibe zwischen Zentral- und Südamerika, besitzt Zugang zu beiden
Ozeanen, der für den kapitalistischen Welthandel so wichtige Panamá-
Kanal liegt ganz in der Nähe, und die Außengrenzen zu Venezuela (dem
wichtigsten Erdölproduzenten des Kontinents), Brasilien (dem
Industriegiganten Lateinamerikas, Perus und Ecuadors (einem weiteren
wichtigen Erdölproduzenten) gelten als unkontrollierbar. Das ist der
Hintergrund, warum US-Strategen Kolumbien seit 1988 mit steter
Regelmäßigkeit als "Unsicherheitsfaktor für die ganze Region"
bezeichnen. Aber nicht nur geostrategisch, auch wirtschaftlich ist das
Land von Bedeutung. Der ehemalige US-Präsidentschaftsberater Bernard
Aronson nannte Kolumbien vor einigen Jahren "das bestgehütete Geheimnis
Lateinamerikas". Kontinuierliche Wachstumraten, eine relativ niedrige
Auslandsverschuldung und gigantische Rohstoffvorkommen machen das Land
für ausländische Investoren hochinteressant. So ist Kolumbien heute der
weltweit größte Exporteur von Qualitätskaffee und Smaragden sowie einer
der wichtigsten Exporteure von Schnittblumen und Bananen. Die von der
BP und der US-amerikanischen OXY beanspruchten Erdölvorkommen im Osten
des Landes gehören zu den größten auf dem Kontinent, in Nordkolumbien
befinden sich gewaltige Steinkohleminen, die von EXXON (Esso) im
Tagebau ausgebeutet werden, und unweit der Touristenstadt Cartagena
wurden vor kurzem Goldreserven entdeckt, die zu den wichtigsten in
Amerika zählen sollen. Von diesen gewaltigen Reichtümern hat die
Bevölkerung allerdings wenig. Nach gewerkschaftlichen Zahlen leben 55
Prozent der (knapp 40 Millionen) KolumbianerInnen in Armut, 20 Prozent
in absolutem Elend, 50 Prozent haben keine Sozialversicherung, 20
Prozent der Erwachsenen sind arbeitslos, 1,8 Millionen Menschen leben
von Gelegenheitsarbeiten, eine Million Familien haben kein Dach über
dem Kopf, 15 Prozent der Haushalte verfügen über keinen
Trinkwasseranschluß. Gleichzeitig befinden sich mehr als 90 Prozent der
kolumbianischen Aktienanteile in den Händen von weniger als 0,9 Prozent
der Aktionäre.

"Gefährlicher, eine Gewerkschaft aufzubauen als eine
Guerillaorganisation."

Am charakteristischen für Kolumbien ist, dass die Oberschicht alles
unternimmt, um den herrschenden Status Quo mit Gewalt aufrecht zu
erhalten. In keinem anderen Land Amerikas besitzt der Terror gegen die
Opposition vergleichbare Ausmaße, nirgends gibt es so viele Massaker an
der Zivilbevölkerung, nirgends sind die Spielräume für eine legale
Opposition so klein wie hier. Paramilitärs überfallen mit Rückendeckung
von Armee und Polizei ganze Dörfer und ermorden 50 Personen auf einen
Schlag, Bauern werden bei lebendigem Leib mit der Motorsäge zerteilt,
politische Aktivisten entführt und 'beseitigt'. Die Gewalt
überschreitet die Grenzen der Vorstellungskraft. So bemerkte der
Jesuitenpater Javier Giraldo, Gründer der kirchlichen
Untersuchungskommission JUSTICIA Y PAZ und inzwischen selbst exiliert,
in seinem Buch The genocidal democracy: "Die Wahrheitskommission in
Chile registrierte in den 17 Jahren brutaler Militärdiktatur 2700 Fälle
von politischen Mord und Verschwundenen. Diese Zahl, so schrecklich sie
ist, ist weitaus niedriger als die Anzahl von Fällen, die unsere
Datenbank jährlich registriert hat, seitdem wir unsere Arbeit
aufgenommen haben." (Giraldo 1996, S. 24) Nach Angaben Giraldos sind
zwischen 1988 und 1995 6177 Menschen aus 'politischen' und weitere 10
556 aus 'wahrscheinlich politischen Gründen' ermordet worden. 2459
Personen wurden zum Opfer sozialer Säuberungen, wie sie Polizei und
Paramilitärs gegen Straßenkinder, Drogenabhängige und Prostituierte
durchführen, 1451 Personen verschwanden. Dazu kommen jährlich
Zehntausende, die Opfer einer diffusen sozialen Gewalt werden, und die
Tendenz ist weiter steigend. Die Medien schieben diese Verbrechen in
der Regel diffus "Gewalttätern" oder "Extremisten von rechts und links"
in die Schuhe. Unabhängige Untersuchungen belegen jedoch, daß der
Großteil der Morde auf das Konto von rechten Privatarmeen geht, die von
Industriellen, Viehzüchtern und Drogenhändlern finanziert werden und
logistisch von den Sicherheitsorganen unterstützt werden. Das Ziel
dieser Aktivitäten ist die physische Vernichtung der sozialen
Bewegungen. Tatsächlich hat allein das sozialistische Wahlbündnis UNIÓN
PATRIÓTICA zwischen 1985 und 1995 knapp 4000 AktivistInnen verloren,
darunter zwei Präsidentschaftskandidaten. Die Gewerkschaftsbewegung
ihrerseits musste seit 1990 mehr als 2000 Todesopfer beklagen. In diese
Fälle involviert sind auch transnationale Unternehmen, die in Ruhe
ihrem Geschäft nachgehen wollen. So engagierten die Erdölmultis TEXACO
und BP private Sicherheitsdienste, um die Gewerkschaftsarbeit auf den
Erdölfeldern zu überwachen und ein Spitzelnetz in der Nachbarschaft der
Förderanlagen aufzubauen. Bei COCA COLA wurde 1995 die
Betriebsgewerkschaft in Carepa (Nordkolumbien) durch Paramilitärs
zerschlagen, der Präsident der Gewerkschaft erschossen. Und den
Goldunternehmen CORONA GOLDFIELDS und FRONTIN GOLDMINES wird sogar eine
direkte Beteiligung bei der Vorbereitung von Massakern vorgeworfen. Auf
dem Land hat diese Politik, die auf ihre Weise auch eine Facette der
Globalisierung darstellt - es geht darum, dem Weltmarkt Ressourcen zur
Vefügung zu stellen -, immer neue Flüchtlingsströmen verursacht. Von
den 9 Millionen BäuerInnen Kolumbiens befinden sich inzwischen fast
zwei Millionen auf der Flucht. Wer Vertriebene befragt, stellt fest,
dass diese Vertreibungen nicht einfach "Folge von bewaffneten
Zusammenstößen zwischen Guerilla und Armee sind", wie vielfach
behauptet wird, sondern eine klar umrissene ökonomische Logik besitzen.
Auf dem "Ersten landesweiten Treffen von Kriegsflüchtlingen" im Februar
2000 in Bogotá wiesen fast alle 35 RednerInnen auf den Zusammenhang von
neoliberaler Wirtschaftspolitik, den Interessen der Multis und den
Verbrechen der Paramilitärs hin: Zu Vertreibungen komme es immer dort,
so die Bauern, wo finanziell einträchtige Großprojekte (wie Staudämme
oder Straßenverbindungen) geplant sind oder große Rohstoffvorkommen
vermutet werden. "Wir haben eine mehr als 500jährige Geschichte der
Vertreibung", so ein Vertreter der 'Sozialen Bewegung der Vertriebenen
Antioquias'. "Zuerst war-en wir Opfer von Kirche und der Krone, später
der Viehzüchter und heute der Drogenhändler und transnationalen
Unternehmen. Sie alle verbindet das Interesse, sich unser Land
anzueignen." Die Sprecherin der Indígena-Organisation ONIC sprach gar
von einer "zweiten Conquista."Die kolumbianische Regierung nützt
natürlich alle Möglichkeiten, diese Systematik zu vertuschen und sich
als Verteidiger der Menschenrechte zu. Der angeblich so demokratische
Präsident Andrés Pastrana, der 1998 Friedensgespräche mit der Guerilla
aufnahm und sich im Ausland als Friedensstifter feiern lässt, erklärt
seit 2 Jahren, dass er "hart gegen die Paramilitärs vorgehen werde".
Doch geschehen ist nichts, im Gegenteil. Während seiner Präsidentschaft
(seit 1998) hat es so viele Massaker gegeben wie noch nie in den
vergangenen 40 Jahren. Die engen Verbindungen zwischen politischen
Eliten, Armee und Industriellen einerseits und den Paramilitärs
andererseits bestehen fort. Während die Militärs zur Guerillabekämpfung
aufgerüstet werden, können die Todesschwadrone weiterhin mit
Straflosigkeit rechnen. Generäle, denen schwere Kriegsverbrechen
nachgewiesen wurden, bleiben im Dienst. Die Regierung Pastrana und ihr
Menschenrechtsbeauftragter, Vizepräsident Bell, bemühen sich darum,
noch mehr Militärhilfe zu erhalten, und der Innenminister profiliert
sich als Rechter. Die Friedenspolitik des Präsidenten Pastrana ist eine
Farce, die 'Demokratie' im Land noch blutrünstiger und intoleranter
ist, als es eine Militärdiktatur jemals sein könnte.

Ein Krieg des Nordens

Möglich ist dieser Krieg nur aufgrund der massiven US-Unterstützung für
das kolumbianische Regime. Seit 1997 wird die Einmischung des großen
Nachbarns immer offensichtlicher, die Militärintervention hat längst
begonnen. Seit Sommer 1999 nehmen Aufklärungsflugzeuge der US-Luftwaffe
direkt an Angriffen auf Guerillaeinheiten teil. Von ecuadorianischen
Stützpunkten aus überfliegen US-Maschinen kontinuierlich
kolumbianisches Gebiet, um alle Bewegungen der Guerilla zu beobachten.
Gesandte des US State Department haben 1998 / 99 in Peru und
Argentinien für die Zusammenstellung einer internationalen
Eingreiftruppe geworben, die in Kolumbien einmarschieren soll, während
US-amerikanische Special Operation Forces gleichzeitig entlang der
kolumbianischen Grenzen Vorposten aufgebaut haben. Anfang 2000
bewilligte der US-Kongress eine Militärhilfe in Höhe von knapp 1,5
Milliarden US-Dollar, der sogenannte 'Plan Colombia'. Das ist fünf Mal
so viel, wie das salvadorenische Regime in den 80er Jahren zur
Aufstandsbekämpfung erhielt. Außerdem wurde bekannt, dass sich mehrere
Hundert US-Militärberater n Kolumbien befinden und dort vor allem die
Geheimdienstarbeit auf Vordermann bringen sollen. Doch nicht nur die
US-Regierung unterstützt den schmutzigen Krieg der kolumbianischen
Eliten. Britische Sicherheitsunternehmen, wie das (von ehemaligen MI-5-
Agenten gegründete) Defense System Limited, spielen eine Schlüsselrolle
bei der Ausbildung von Privattruppen im Dienste der Erdöl-Companies.
Und die französische Polizei bildet Sondereinheiten der kolumbianischen
GAULA aus, welche wiederum nach Angaben von Menschenrechtsaktivisten
mehrmals Oppositionelle entführt und an Paramilitärs übergeben haben.
Offiziell dient diese Waffenhilfe dem Kampf gegen die Drogenmafia. Doch
interessanterweise gibt es nur in jenen kolumbianischen Gebieten Anti-
Drogenoperationen, in denen die Guerilla oder Bauernbewegungen stark
sind. Das nordkolumbianische Urabá hingegen, das von der XVII.
Armeebrigade und paramilitärischen Einheiten des Drogenbarons Carlos
Castaño Hand in Hand kontrolliert wird, bleibt von solchen Aktionen
unberührt, und das obwohl dort nach Zahlen der US-Regierung 80% des für
den nordamerikanischen Marktes bestimmten Kokains verschifft wird.

Der schwierige Kampf einer kriminalisierten Opposition

Wer in Kolumbien regimekritisch ist, hat es schwer. Die
Guerillaorganisationen FARC und ELN sind trotz des immensen
militärischen Druck in den letzten Jahren gewachsen. Zusammen
mobilisieren sie heute an die 20.000 KämpferInnen, die im ganzen Land
präsent sind. Auch wenn die beiden Organisationen nach wie vor eine
sozialistische Gesellschaft anstreben, versuchen sie den Bürgerkrieg in
Kolumbien mit Verhandlungen zu beenden. Sie haben 1998 Gespräche mit
Regierung und Gesellschaft aufgenommen und sich zum Ziel gesetzt, die
sozialen Ursachen beseitigen, die zum Entstehen der Guerillas führten.
Anders als in Zentralamerika geht es bei den Verhandlungen also nicht
um eine Demobilisierung der Guerilla, sondern vor allem um den Kampf
gegen Armut und Marginalisierung, um eine Demokratisierung der
Gesellschaft und die Abschaffung der Nationalen Sicherheitsdoktrin. Und
schließlich gibt es neben der kaum zu übersehenden politischen Apathie
und der in den Städten kaum präsenten Guerilla, auch weiterhin
überraschend aktive Gewerkschafs- und Bauernbewegungen, sowie Indigene-
und Schwarze Gemeinschaften, die sich der neoliberalen
Verarmungspolitik entgegenstellen. So hat es seit 1996 eine Vielzahl
sozialer Proteste gegeben: Bauernmärsche, Straßensperren,
Generalstreiks, Gefängnisaufstände, spontane Proteste von
StadtteilbewohnerInnen. Diese Demonstrationen zeigen, dass es in
Kolumbien um mehr geht als um den undurchschaubaren Kampf zwischen
Mafias. Es handelt sich um einen militarisierten sozialen Konflikt, um
einen Krieg der Besitzenden gegen die Bevölkerungsmehrheit, der
international ignoriert wird. Dass es für die AktivistInnen der
kolumbianischen Basisbewegungen in der Vergangenheit kaum Solidarität
gab, ist schrecklich, denn wahrscheinlich hätte die internationale
Öffentlichkeit Tausende von Morden verhinden können. Doch noch
beschämender wäre es, wenn die kolumbianische Opposition auch jetzt,
angesichts der massiven Militärhilfe für das Regime, erneut im Stich
gelassen wird. Andere Beispiele in Lateinamerika haben schließlich
gezeigt, dass das Ausland eine wesentliche Rolle spielen kann, um die
Politik der Todesschwadrone zu stoppen.

Wer mehr über das Land erfahren möchte, kann sich folgende Bücher
holen: den Roman "La Negra" (Edition Nautilus, DM 29,80) und das
Sachbuch "Kolumbien - große Geschäfte, staatlicher Terror und
Aufstandsbewegung" (ISP-Verlag, DM 29,80).


Postfachgebühren verdreißigfacht
Zurück
From: OEKOLI_Wien@gmx.at

Da mit Beginn des neuen Jahres auch bei der privatisierten Post fleißig
gespart wird, sind die Postfachgebühren für Private von ÖS 10.- im Monat auf ÖS
100.- im Monat angestiegen. Juristische Personen wie Firmen, Vereine oder
Parteien zahlen am 1. Jänner 2001 sogar das dreißigfache des bisherigen
Betrages. Statt ÖS 10.- kostet ein Postfach nun ÖS 300.- im Monat, was einem
jährlichen Betrag von ÖS 3.600.- entspricht. 
Da wir als kleine Organisation, die lediglich von den Beiträgen ihrer
AktivistInnen lebt, das wenige Geld das wir zur Verfügung haben, lieber in die
politische Arbeit als in die Post Aktiengesellschaft stecken, ändern wir
deshalb unsere Postadresse ab 1.1. 2001 um und sind in Zukunft schriftlich über
unseren offiziellen Sitz in der Schottengasse zu erreichen:

Ökologische Linke (ÖKOLI)
Schottengasse 3a/1/4/59
1010 Wien

-- 
Ökologische Linke (ÖKOLI) 
Schottengasse 3a/1/4/59
A-1010 Wien
e-milio: oekoli_wien@gmx.net
Visite our Website: http://www.oekoli.cjb.net 

Wenn ihr an unseren spanischen/französischen/englischen Aussendungen 
interessiert seid, um Infos weiterzuverbreiten, meldet euch!
*******************************************************************
don't forget to say hello to echelon:
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oecalan, pgp, querulant, rasterfahndung, besetzung, behörde
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LEAVE BUSINESS AND JOIN DEMONSTRATION



gefundene Uhr
Zurück
From: info.aushilfe@wuk.at

ja ganz spät, aber doch: bei einer dodemo anfang juli kam es zu einem
aufeinandertreffen von demonstranten und polizei bei der stege vo der
sterngasse im ersten bezirk. wer bei diesem vorgang eine rot-scwarze uhr
verloren hat und sie beschreiben kann (armband, aufschrift) kriegt sie
zurück. kontakt: ama_kronheim@hotmail.com.
möge die übung gelingen.




Politik/Jahresbilanz/KPÖ
Zurück
From: didi zach@yahoo.com 


Jahresbilanz/KPÖ



Baier (KPÖ): 2000 war ein Jahr der Zäsur

Utl.: Neue außerparlamentarische Bewegung ist
entstanden


Wien - (KPÖ-PD): Als Zäsur sieht KPÖ-Vorsitzender Mag.
Walter Baier das Jahr 2000. "Die Proteste der
Eisenbahner, der Streik der AHS-LehrerInnen, die
200.000 Menschen am Heldenplatz, die
Donnerstags-Demonstrationen und die Blockade-Aktionen
von Checkpoint-Austria verdeutlichen, daß eine neue
außerparlamentarische Bewegung entstanden ist", so
Baier.

Bezüglich der Perspektiven für das Jahr 2001 meint
Baier: "Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, daß die bunte
und breite Widerstandsbewegung, welche gegen die
Regierungsbeteilung der FPÖ wie gegen das Budget der
Grausamkeiten kämpfte, auch 2001 ungeahnte Aktivitäten
entfalten wird".

Schade findet es Baier, daß "SPÖ und Grüne sich dem
neoliberalen Nulldefizitswahn, welcher die
Umverteilung von Arm zu Reich verschleiern soll, nicht
entziehen".

Rückfragen an: 0676 / 69 69 002
e-mail: kpoe@magnet.at
Internet: www.kpoe.at

(Schluß)



Reaktion auf Michi Bonvalot
Zurück

From: ecker@sos.at

===========================================


Reaktion auf Michi Bonvalot
MUND 29.12.00

Michi Bonvalot von der Antifaschistischen Linken stellt im MUND vom 29.12.
die Frage, ob er etwas falsch verstanden hätte. Ja, so ziemlich alles.

Nein, SOS-Menschenrechte fordert die Regierung nicht auf, Druck auf andere
Länder auszuüben, Schubgefängnisse aufzubauen. SOS-Menschenrechte forderte
Minister Strasser auf, den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Beitrittswerbern
Hilfestellungen für den Aufbau einer Schubhaftbetreuung zu bieten.

Wir finden es unverhältnismäßig, Menschen nur aus fremdenrechtlichen
Gründen monatelang in Gefängnissen anzuhalten, haben uns daher sehr für das
Gelindere Mittel eingesetzt und bieten den Fremdenbehörden unsere
Unterbringungsmöglichkeiten immer wieder als humane Alternative zur
Schubhaft an. Da Michi Bonvalot eigens auf unserer Homepage recherchiert
hat, ist er sicher dutzendemale über entsprechende Aussagen gestolpert, hat
sie aber offenkundig ignoriert, um sein Mißverständnis nicht zu gefährden.

Da es aber trotz aller NGO-Bemühungen heute und in den nächsten Jahren eine
real existierende Schubhaft gibt und geben wird, fühlen wir uns den
jährlich etwa 15.000 Schubhäftlingen gegenüber verpflichtet, für
rechtsstaatlich einwandfreie Verfahren, eine möglichst menschenwürdige
Behandlung und bestmögliche Betreuung zu sorgen.

Die Instrumente "Schubhaft" und "Abschiebung" wurden mit dem Fremdengesetz
mehrheitlich von den Abgeordneten zum Nationalrat beschlossen, nicht von
der Exekutive. Polizei und Gendarmerie haben diese Gesetze zu vollziehen,
ob sie selbst oder die NGOs das nun wollen oder nicht. Unsere Aufgabe sehen
wir darin, in jedem Einzelfall sehr genau darauf zu achten, dass der
Vollzug menschenrechtskonform und rechtsstaatlich einwandfrei erfolgt,
sowie die Mängel des Vollzuges aufzuzeigen und politische Alternativen
daraus zu formulieren.

Natürlich kann man, wie vieles andere auch, die Abschaffung der Schubhaft
fordern. Aber wenn man damit nicht nur seinen eigenen moralischen
Standpunkt bekunden will, sondern die Forderung auch umsetzen will, sollte
man seriöserweise dazusagen, wie die Abschaffung der Schubhaft politisch
durchsetzbar ist.

Die blau-schwarze Koalition wird mit Sicherheit die von rot-schwarz
forcierte Schubhaft und Abschiebung nicht abschaffen. Selbst Anhänger von
rot-grün sollten sich bewusst werden, dass auch diese Regierungsform keine
ersatzlose Abschaffung von Schubhaft und Abschiebung bringen wird, sondern
andere Modelle der Anhaltung. Es kommt nicht von ungefähr, dass
SOS-Menschenrechte und die BPD Linz sich das Grundkonzept der Offenen
Station von der Abschiebehaft Offenbach (D) abgekupfert haben, dem
Vorzeigeprojekt des damaligen grünen Justizministers, als Hessen rot-grün
regiert wurde.

Aus unserer mehrjährigen Erfahrung haben wir den Eindruck gewonnen, dass
die Wachmannschaften im Polizeigefangenenhaus Linz sich sehr darum bemühen,
den Spielraum, den sie in ihrer Arbeit haben, zugunsten der Schubhäftlinge
zu nützen. Dies ist leider noch nicht selbstverständlich, daher führen wir
dies für andere als beispielgebend an, daher hat sich auch unser
Vorsitzender, der Filmregisseur Andreas Gruber in diesem Sinne bei der
Eröffnung der Offenen Station im PGH Linz geäußert.

Andreas Gruber hat im MUND keine heftige, sondern überhaupt keine Debatte
mit Michael Genner geführt - auch hier hat sich Michi Bonvalot verlesen und
bringt die Akteure durcheinander. Das einzig richtige in Bonvalots
Ausführungen ist, dass der Vorsitzende von SOS-Menschenrechte, Mag. Andreas
Gruber, von 1991 bis 1994 ÖVP-Kulturstadtrat von Wels war. Was Bonvalot
hingegen schon wieder nicht zu wissen scheint ist, dass Gruber in dieser
Funktion heftigste Auseinandersetzungen gegen die brauen Flecken der Stadt
Wels geführt hat. Als Filmschaffender zeichnet er für "Vor lauter Feigheit
kein Erbarmen" zur Mühlviertler Hasenjagd verantwortlich. Mehrfach wurde er
eingeladen, bei Befreiungsfeiern Gedenkreden in Konzentrationslagern zu
halten.

Was erklärt eine frühere ÖVP-Stadtratstätigkeit also für den Sprecher einer
Antifaschistischen Linken?

Euer Partner für Menschenrechte
Günter Ecker








--------------- ecker@sos.at ---------------

SOS-Menschenrechte
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A-4010 Linz
Austria

Tel.: ++43/732/ 777 404

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Internet: http://www.sos.at
e-mail: ecker@sos.at

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